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Jelena Kostic. Share This Post. You May Also Like. November A personal approach to the history of WWI. May July Somewhere trust enters the play also.
Question: Trust for historians? Answer: Yes. And trust for methods as well as for people. And for professionalism. These are two out of 6 billion people who have announced their point of view there. And well, if I lie, then let it be so. What do you believe? In fact, teachers who were more tolerant of openness maintained that they attempted to leave as much open to the students as possible—discussion itself and the ability to listen to different opinions is what is important.
Of course, teachers need more help in offering difficult epistemological explanations in simple, age and ability appropriate ways. Whose expectations—academy? Recent issues like the ones mentioned in an above quotation by the Latvian teacher Lija accession to EU and NATO , in particular, are treated in academically deep and neutral ways neither in schoolbooks, academic history nor in even scientific publications broadly available to teachers.
Rather, these are current and politicised topics mentioned only fleetingly on last pages of history textbooks. This, as elucidated by Wilschut whom we quoted in the beginning of this chapter, is, however, difficult to achieve. We started this chapter with the observation that societies that experienced a recent transition from a Soviet style to a Western democratic style government provide a fruitful ground for observing the dilemmata of history teaching.
Every new country and its government needs to justify and emphasise its newly found political orientation and foundational myth Liu and Hilton ; Wagner et al. This is particularly dilemmatic if, as in the Baltic states, there exists a considerable minority of Russian pre-transition immigrants who have their own historical values and perspectives. Under any preconditions, a really neutral dissemination of a relevant variety of facts and perspectives can only be achieved for a limited number of issues.
Lee , p. Thus, the choice between making a structure of facts clear to most students, and discussing interpretations with some brighter ones, can be felt as a dilemma by the teacher. In the interviews, only a few teachers represented the choice of facts to be studied as possibly problematic.
Disregarding the perspective dependence of the selection process, however, may render invisible the inherent bias in some entrenched interpretations and master narratives. As studies by McCully, Barton, Reilly and their colleagues have shown, for the reason that Northern Irish history teachers often attempt to refrain from contentious contemporary issues Northern Irish students do not always relate what they have learnt at school to their personal identity-based positions.
Students from both communities are aware of the existence of an academic, neutral and balanced approach to the past that is different from their own e. Barton ; Reilly and McCully One could push even further, asking whether there is not some need for patriotic narratives in the students, be it a nation or a religion or something third towards which this patriotism is directed.
This chapter presents an integrated view on an educational issue—history teaching—in the theoretical context of a social psychological theory. It takes an empirical—not normative—position towards history teaching as practice. The Theory of Social Representations is particularly useful when applied to real-life societal contexts where individual behaviours become a collective pattern as is the case with communication styles in teaching.
For the present purpose, we do not go into a more thorough discussion of this issue. On the other hand, the pedagogic practice is so much constrained by various commitments and convictions on different levels that it is indeed characterised by at least one crucial feature of propagation as defined by Moscovici, namely by a constant consideration of what would be the appropriate account for a particular audience.
True, in a democracy, in history teaching that follows a disciplinary ideal this is usually not done based on a pre-defined set of beliefs as in the case of the catholic press studied by Moscovici: pedagogic convictions vary from educator to educator.
But constraints deriving from societal values, moral convictions and beliefs about the student needs will always shape the content selection and teaching style. A teacher is in our view crucially interested in what message is received, in terms of avoiding confusion as well as of the world view. The model of communication styles used in the present chapter helps to grasp the fluctuation of teaching between communication styles, interrelations between teaching ideals and practice, and teacher dilemmata between various expectations, aims and ideals.
When analysing diffusion as media communication style, Moscovici mentions characteristics—such as the need to entertain an inherently indeterminable, heterogeneous audience—that do not translate into history teaching in the present context.
We do not delve into these details here. We use the same pseudonyms as in previous publications to refer to the interviewees. Yet another explanation is the timing of the interviews. Several interviewees discussed their position on, or role as history teachers in, the celebrations. Skip to main content Skip to sections. This service is more advanced with JavaScript available. Advertisement Hide. Open Access. First Online: 30 August Download chapter PDF.
The Politics of History Teaching Based on studying history curricula in Germany, UK and the Netherlands in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Arie Wilschut concludes that Generally speaking, we can distinguish three factors influencing the content and form of history curricula: politics and society; pedagogical and psychological considerations; and academic history itself.
In Fig. Of course, each of the three contexts merge influences from the other two. Curricula and textbooks, for instance, merge sociopolitical influences with considerations from pedagogical psychology and with inputs from academic research about the past; social and political representations of the past receive inputs from both school and academy, whereas academic scholars are obviously also influenced by beliefs and experiences from their primary and secondary socialisation.
What is important in the present context is the interconnectedness of the fields and the absence of a stable hierarchy between them. If hierarchies appear, they are dynamic constellations, changing in time and space and perceived differently by different actors. Open image in new window. A history classroom can thus be imagined as a communicative space where the teacher can more or less consciously choose between communicative styles and teaching strategies.
Although some of the teachers admitted that current history teaching in Estonia was too self-centred ethno- or Euro-centric , most of them did not oppose the focus, either supporting Estonia- and Europe-centred history teaching with pedagogical or ideological arguments thus negating excessive self-centredness , or considering such a state inevitable.
Connected to this was the argument that history teaching is first and foremost about understanding oneself and learning about oneself and that in support of this goal Estonian and European history is the most important see more in Kello and Masso In practice, however, they admitted that the core of their teaching was imparting some central grid of knowledge. Even teachers who valued discussions and interpretations could be afraid of them as challenging their lessons plans.
Thus, many interviewees expressed the view that lower secondary school was rather the place where students should acquire some basic factual knowledge. Later this minimal repertoire—as far as the students remembered it—could be used for a more analytical approach.
The following was a rather typical comment with which even most discussion- and interpretation-oriented teachers seemed to agree: […] an average student does indeed learn just generally acknowledged positions and evaluations. According to a teacher we call Andrus, it was important that the students develop an appreciation of academic research as the most trustworthy source of historical knowledge—as opposed to, for example, journalistic or political sources.
In concise overviews like the school textbook format demands, even academic historians easily slip out of their professional distanced observer roles, writing more like representatives of their social memory community. Notes 1. Ahonen, S. Clio Sans uniform. A study of the post-Marxist transformation of the history curricula in East Germany and Estonia, — Helsinki: Suomalainen Tieteakatemia. Google Scholar. Barton, K. Cunningham Prize John H.
Klein Prize Waldo G. Marraro Prize George L. Mosse Prize John E. Palmegiano Prize James A. Schmitt Grant J. Beveridge Award Recipients Albert J. Corey Prize Recipients Raymond J. Cunningham Prize Recipients John H. Fagg Prize Recipients John K. Franklin Jameson Award Recipients J.
Marraro Prize Recipients George L. Palmegiano Prize Recipients James A. The Story of Propaganda The fact that wars give rise to intensive propaganda campaigns has made many persons suppose that propaganda is something new and modern. Boone, Marcus, Pohl, and Sanders all deal with the dilemma of myth vs. At what point can dates recorded in stone or in codices be said to refer to actual historical fact?
How can this be measured against climatological, geological, or archaeo-astronomical evidence. What efforts can be made to check histories with other less socially-constructed sources? An analog might be how the biblical book of Genesis might be measured against the fossil record, or how the issue of whether Pontius Pilate was actually in office during the time when procedures were conducted against the historical Jesus—what contemporaneous sources can be consulted outside the testimony of the Bible itself.
The speakers question whether even the concept of a distinction between myth and history existed for pre-Columbian peoples in the strict sense of today. Were foundational accounts meant to be explicitly interpreted as historical fact or as justifications of the present or as predictors of the future or as all of the above?
How does one identify the difference between intentional falsification and error in the archaeological record.
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